LABOUR INPUT TO GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT SUMMIT BY
ZWELINZIMA VAVI, GENERAL SECRETARY, COSATU
Gallagher Estates, Midrand 7 June 2003
Comrades and friends,
We are very pleased finally to be here, at this long-awaited
Growth and Development Summit. The GDS reflects the commitment of
all the main parties to addressing the pressing problems we face.
It reflects the South African spirit of working together to find
solutions to seemingly difficult problems. This is the spirit that
has shaped our recent history in ways the rest of the world regards
as truly miraculous. This is the spirit of CODESA, which is now
embodied in NEDLAC, the Millennium Labour Council and the
Presidential Working Groups - all institutions that have played
important roles in bringing about this Summit.
The agreements reached over the past month here arise out of our
common vision for our society, as well as our recognition of the
absolute need for real change and co-operation. Above all, as the
agreements insist, we must deal with structural unemployment and
low investment.
Joblessness is now hovering around 30%, even if we use the
narrow definition that does not count those workers too discouraged
actively to seek jobs. That means close to five million adults are
out of work. If we include workers who no longer actively seek
work, this figure runs to seven million.
The levels of poverty run deep even amongst those who are
employed. Workers' incomes have been in the decline even before the
dawn of democracy. The workplace remains largely segregated, with
power and prestige still in the hands of a minority. Only a few of
the historically oppressed have joined that group. There is nothing
wrong with the former oppressed residing in the leafy suburbs and
enjoying their newfound wealth. What is wrong though is for some to
forget where they come from and seek to stand on the carcass of
their own. Some lose the sense of solidarity with the majority of
black workers, who still face casualisation, informalisation and
the ever-present threat of retrenchment.
Our economy remains firmly in white hands and is completely
dominated by the few companies in the mining and finance
industries. It is geared towards meeting the needs of the previous
ruling elite and not the majority. At the same time, investment is
far too low, and too focused on capital-intensive sectors, to
create employment for all workers.
In short, nine years after the democratic breakthrough our
society still shows the scars left by apartheid. Nine years after
we attained our freedom, we can still talk broadly of two nations -
one relatively rich and white, and the other relatively very poor
and black.
The GDS and the process outlined in the agreement that will take
place after the summit should thus be seen in the context of the
stark economic challenge and crisis facing our country, and in
particular its working class.
The GDS agreements are not a sum total of what needs to be done
to restructure our economy and put it on the path of development
and job creation. No single conference can be equal to that
challenge. No four weeks of social dialogue can establish a full
national consensus on what needs to be done. Moreover,
transformation of our economy will take many years. Much of what
needs to be done depends also on the balance of forces outside this
summit. To a very large extent the agreement we are signing today
recognises this reality.
The extent of the commitments by all in particular relates to
the reality of the balance of forces. Unlike some of those marching
outside, the organised working class understands that it must
engage in an active struggle to tilt this balance of forces, and
that from time to time there shall be compromises forced on us by
the objective political and economic realities we face. We do not
abstain but engage - we understand that we do not change the world
under conditions of our choosing.
Through the GDS we are saying, collectively, we must find ways
to address our economic situation. We are saying, too, that we
recognise that we can only define effective solutions through
deepening social dialogue and by learning from each other.
We recognise that this type of engagement is never easy. We are
not seeking to build friendship amongst ourselves, but a genuine
partnership based on accommodation of each other's concerns, fears
and aspirations. We agree that in the long term, we must find ways
to raise employment and bring about greater equality. But in the
short run, our interests do not always coincide. After all, we
represent diverse interests and constituencies. We are here because
our own experiences as well as experiences of others inform us that
nothing can replace dialogue between the main role players or
stakeholders. Unilateralism may look like a solution in the short
term, but in the long term it does not guarantee broad buy in and
cooperation, and therefore it is counterproductive.
Broadly, organised labour is happy to endorse the outcomes of
the GDS. They promise real gains for workers and the poor in
general. We welcome the short-run mechanisms to create jobs, such
as the investment initiatives and the expanded public works
projects. We do believe that these measures will contribute
immensely to the long-term effort of finding solutions to our
unemployment crisis. We are committed to work towards ensuring that
these agreements are translated into a living reality for the
unemployed, the youth and women in particular in the rural
areas.
Even more important, the agreements lay the basis for long-term
processes to restructure the economy toward job-creating growth.
Critical proposals include:
- Stronger sectoral strategies, which are critical for
transforming our economy,
- Strengthening the Proudly South African Campaign,
- The commitment to building a co-op movement,
- Improving our communities' access to affordable basic services,
and
- Accelerating skills development.
Taken together, although they sometimes seem vague, cautious and
incomprehensibly technical, these agreements go far toward defining
a developmental state. That means a state that can, first,
transform the formal economy through appropriate economic policies,
including a strong industrial strategy. Second, the state must give
more people a basis for engaging in the economy, through support
for co-ops and small enterprise, land reform, increased access to
basic government services, expanded public works programmes and
skills development. These are important gains workers have made in
the agreement.
But these agreements are just a step on the long road toward
effective strategies to deal with the problems of joblessness and
poverty. We need to do much more work, both to put in place
implementation programmes, and to bring about deeper agreement on
key strategies.
A particular obstacle to our work for the GDS was that we had
little time. One way or another, we only managed to start
negotiations at NEDLAC a month ago. That time constraint made it
virtually impossible to include detailed programming or to resolve
deep-seated disagreements. As a result, many of these commitments
need more work, and some important questions fell off the
table.
The lack of time also made it almost impossible to mobilise our
people outside of NEDLAC. It was challenging to report back to our
members beyond our affiliates' leadership, much less to other
communities. Yet an elitist process that leaves the masses behind
cannot lead to that critical component of social dialogue - buy-in
and cooperation. In future, we need to think how we can ensure the
active involvement of the majority of our people in this type of
transformative process. After all, it took six months to finish the
RDP, mostly because of the time needed to ensure broad
participation from all parts of our society.
Second, government should position itself to lead through
providing the vision and broad strategies, and then be clear what
it wants from other constituencies. This should happen within the
framework of a spirit of social dialogue that is based on treating
partners as equals and with respect. Failure to provide vision and
strategic objectives tends to lend itself to a situation where we
can only get vague commitments.
For its part, we need business to incorporate the idea of
sustainability more consistently into its engagement. Too often, we
hear that a long-term solution is impossible because it won't be
profitable. Yet the current path of mass unemployment and poverty
rules out long-term growth and prosperity for all of us.
Finally, in part because of these problems, the agreements
themselves display some big gaps, hence the need to follow up the
process with even a more rigorous process in order to
operationalise broad commitments and fill up the gaps. The section
on basic services is particularly weak.
We must express our disappointment that we are not announcing a
detailed comprehensive and coherent prevention and treatment
strategy to deal with the HIV/AIDS pandemic. No economic growth and
job creation is sustainable in a situation where so many workers
die from HIV/AIDS. If social dialogue meant anything to all of us,
we should have signed the deal before last year's International
AIDS Day. It is now over six months since then and yet, still, we
are unable to make a pronouncement on this important issue.
Processes on HIV/AIDS are now taking place increasingly outside
NEDLAC, yet the discussions started here and should be concluded by
NEDLAC.
Regrettably we are giving a signal not only to our people but
also to the whole world that our priorities are very skewed. Labour
has run out of patience and intends to place this matter
uncompromisingly back on the agenda of NEDLAC.
Comrades and friends,
Despite these weaknesses, the GDS agreements represent an
important step forward on the long road to growth and development.
But to realise our gains, all the NEDLAC constituencies must
dedicate capacity, time and energy to implement them. And we have
to mobilise our people to understand and support key processes.
Amongst the burdens we have taken on in the post-Summit process
are: establishing mechanisms and procedures for public works
programmes; developing sectoral strategies to enhance employment
and investment; establishing financial mechanisms to support
investment in infrastructure and production; developing strategies
to strengthen current programmes on housing, land reform and access
to education; strengthening the partnership on HIV/AIDS; and
developing enabling legislation and support programmes for
co-ops.
This is an exhausting list. It requires dedication from all the
constituencies at NEDLAC, and that NEDLAC itself manage the process
efficiently. Government in particular must take a leading role in
ensuring that our efforts have a strategic focus. And all the
constituencies must mobilise their members to ensure an inclusive,
people-centred and people-driven process.
Finally, I want to thank the people who made the GDS work: the
negotiators and leaders from all the constituencies; the NEDLAC
staff; the Presidency, which gave critical political support. Above
all let me thank the millions of workers who went on strike and
had, as one of their key demands the creation of a CODESA-type
negotiations to build a national consensus. We are on the way to
build that consensus, and with it a better life for all.
Thank you.
Amandla